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 2021 |
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From the perspective of music, Kathakali plays can be
broadly divided into two categories -the ones by Kottayath Thampuran and
a few others, which seldom allow the vocalists to create an emotional
ambience that can surpass the strong visual frames; and the plays by
Unnai Warrier, Irayimman Thampi and the like, which offer ample scope
for emotive singing, sometimes competing with the actors. The former
demands adherence to the rhythm and tempo of every padam while in the
latter the vocalists have to keep in mind the characters as well.
Venkitakrishna Bhagavatar blended both these qualities in his singing. (‘The man who redefined Kathakali’s vocal music’ by V. Kaladharan, The Hindu Friday review, Sept 30, 2021) |
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Venkitakrishna Bhagavatar introduced a host of Carnatic ragas which were
new to the vocal music tradition of Kathakali. The conservatives raised
their eyebrows when they first heard ragas such as Khamas, Darbar,
Kapi, Sindhubhairavi, Chenchurutti and Nattakurunji. He converted
lengthy padams into ragamalika in order to salvage the listeners from
incredible boredom. Venkitakrishna also systematised the rendering of
the shlokas and the dandakams (a prose-verse combination used in
Kathakali to truncate several incidents in a play) even while retaining
the deshi (indigenous) ragas such as Paadi, Khandaram, Puraneeru,
Kanakkurinji, Gaulipandu and Navarasam. Though the phrases of these
ragas are repetitive, each one carries a distinctive fragrance
appropriate to the character and context. Special care was taken to
ensure that the gamakas and brigas employed in the padams did not
interfere with the sahitya. (‘The man who redefined Kathakali’s vocal music’ by V. Kaladharan, The Hindu Friday review, Sept 30, 2021) |
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At the time of the revival of Mohiniyattam in the 20th
century, Pantattam, playing with the ball and dancing, was given much
importance. The act of playing with the ball is also common for the
female characters in Kathakali. Even today the gestures of Pantattam are
very liberally used in Mohiniyattam. In some villages in Kerala,
Pantattam and Ammanattam are still practised as a part of
Thiruvathirakkali, though these customs are gradually becoming extinct.
In the olden days, puppets and balls had a prominent role in
entertaining women. The tradition of Pantattam is common to several
performing arts in Kerala including Kathakali, Nangiarkuttu,
Krishnanattam, Kutiyattaṁ and Mohiniyattam while illustrating the games
(dalliances) played by women. ('The Occult Origins of Mohiniyattam - Part 7' by Nirmala Paniker, India Art Review, Aug 4, 2021) |
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Mohiniyattam is considered as an art form of creation. To awaken Lord
Shiva from his deep meditation and to attract him towards procreation,
Parvathy performs the dance form with erotic sentiments and lasya
movements. According to the myth, it was this lasya dance performed by
Parvathy that later on took the form of Mohiniyattam in the Kerala
region. ('The Occult Origins of Mohiniyattam - Part 8' by Nirmala Paniker, India Art Review, Aug 11, 2021) |
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In Silappadikaram, Kudam Koothu, Kudai Koothu and Pedu are discussed among the 11 dance forms that Madhavi performed. - The KUDAM KOOTHU is supposedly a dance performed by Lord Vishnu named as 'Mayamayan' who went to the city of Banasura to save Anirudhan. Some others opine that Lord Vishnu performed this Koothu to save goddess Lakshmi. The dance perhaps got its name as the performers dance with pots in the hands. - PEDU is also very special. In this Kamadeva, the lord of love, is described as dancing dressed up as a woman. Kamadeva performed this dance in the city of 'Cho' after rescuing his son Anirudha. Male dancers performing in female costumes were not considered taboo during those times. It is noteworthy that Herman Gundert's Malayalam dictionary gives the meaning of Mohiniyattam as 'dancing and acting dressed up as a woman'. - KUDAI KOOTHU, which is mentioned in the Silappathikaram as performed by Subrahmanya to defeat the asuras can be seen in the Thrikkodithanam temple. Dejected because of their defeat at the hands of Subramanya the Asuras sit down unhappily and Subramanya in a mood of jubilation performs. This dance in front of them holding his umbrella in a slightly standing position is known as Kudai Koothu. ('The Occult Origins of Mohiniyattam - Part 6' by Nirmala Paniker, India Art Review, July 28, 2021) |
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Intensive research on the kinetics of the dancer, based
on the movements of Volution (geometrical patterns) and Revolution
(spiral) so characteristic of Indian classical dances and an analysis of
the audio and film documentations against the backdrop of Natyasastra, Hasthalakshanadeepika and Balaramabharatham
gave shape to the 'Kanak Rele School' of Mohiniyattam. Incidentally,
Kanak Rele was the first Mohiniyattam researcher to identify Karthika
Thirunal Bala Rama Varma's work of the 18th century, Balaramabharatham,
which could shed much light on the indigenous intricacies of Kerala
dances. The book has been described as the Natyasastra of Kerala. ('Avant-garde danseuse Guru Dr Kanak Rele turns 84' by GS Paul, India Art Review, June 11, 2021) |
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When you think of the powerful image of the one eyed warrior and empire
builder Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Punjab, it is hard to imagine that as a
22 year old, he was prepared to accept social outrage on the command of
the Akal Takht, for wanting to marry a Muslim nautch girl. Moran Sarkar was a Muslim nautch girl originally said to be from Kashmir and who lived in the small village of Lakhanpur close to Amritsar. According to legend, the young Maharaja Ranjit Singh once saw her performance in the royal baradari (pavilion) in Dhanoa Kalan village and was so impressed with her lithe movements that he fell madly in love with her. He thus gave her the title 'Moran' meaning 'peacock.' ('Moran: Maharaja Ranjit Singh's beloved' by Aashish Kochhar, Feb 19, 2019, Live History India) |
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Finding its roots in the Bhakti movement of Assam in the
15th and 16th centuries led by the saint poet Srimanta Sankaradeva and
his principal apostle Sri Sri Madhavadeva, Sattriya has a living legacy
of six centuries, intertwined with memories and contributions of the
practitioners. The Bhakti movement embraced a polyphony of artistic
expressions where human skills of crafts, weaving, wood-carving,
writing, recitation, singing, dancing, painting and enactment were woven
together for a holistic understanding of bhakti in its integrated
sharing and communication of thoughts and ideas, centering around the
treatise of the Bhagavata Purana. The saint poet, in his first-ever
presentation of the lyrico-dramatic spectacle, the Chihna Yatra, was,
according to biographical chronicles, a marvel of sheer visual and
performative artistry. The painted scenography and props along with the
use of masks left unparalleled imprints of colours which, in later
periods, were represented in manifold shades and tones. The elaborate
usage of aharya finds its reference in the same biographical narratives
where the saint poet and his followers interlaced different shades of
blue threads to prepare the costume, or used shades of red, white and
black as facial paints during performance, and Sri Sri Madhavadeva used
puroi leaves to represent blood during the presentation of Nrisimha
Yatra. These references provide ample suggestions of the ingenious
methods used for a presentation. ('Performative artistry' by Anwesa Mahanta, NCPA's Onstage, June 2021) |
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Nautch girls were an ideal subject for photographers wishing to document
Indian culture. They were beautiful, native, willing to be photographed
and represented a unique slice of the country's culture. The third
factor was a nautch girl's need to have good photographs that she could
send to prospective clients. The quality of the photograph was directly
tied to the price a nautch girl commanded. Great efforts were made to
take flattering photographs of nautch girls in studios. Nicholas &
Curths, Hooper and Western, Charles Shepherd, Samuel Bourne, and Francis
Frith were the photographers of choice for nautch girls who could
afford to pay their relatively high fees. The best photographs were set
in wood frames that were decorated with marquetry, ivory, brass and
intricate carving. The frames were wrapped in chenille fabric for
safekeeping. They were carried to the homes of prospects by the
muhafizes who initiated commercial discussions related to nautch
performances. The photographs were not used for display and decoration. ('The Nautch' by Ally Adnan, The Friday Times, Aug 1, 2014) |
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In the mor ka nach, the dancer played the role of a
peacock trying to attract peahens. An intensely erotic dance, it was
performed only for men. Key features of this dance were short hops
followed by breezy pirouettes where the dancer spreads her ghagra, or
long skirt, to represent the spread feathers of the peacock. The ghagra
was made in an iridescent peacock color and sometimes adorned with
actual peacock feathers. In real life, peahens pick their mates based on
color, feather quality and size. Similarly, the quality of the dance
was judged on the basis of the quality of the ghagra, the grace of the
dancer and the extent to which she could increase her size by spreading
the ghagra. Elements of eroticism were added to the dance by the
suggestive use of the dancer's bosom, carefully studied displays of legs
when spreading the ghagra, and a provocative locking of the eyes with
the audience. ('The Nautch' by Ally Adnan, The Friday Times, Aug 1, 2014) |
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The qahar ka nach (the bearer's dance) was performed only for men and,
though more subtle than the mor ka nach, was decidedly erotic in nature.
The dancer used silk sashes, the ghagra and her own long tresses as
props while she performed the exaggerated and animated moves that
characterized the qahar ka nach. The dance was performed in close
proximity to the audience. The nautch girl teased a favored few amongst
the audience by slowly advancing towards them in a manner suggestive of
an imminent kiss, and retreating at the last moment. The dance was
usually the finale of a nautch performance. ('The Nautch' by Ally Adnan, The Friday Times, Aug 1, 2014) |
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Sadir costumes are not restricted to drapes of sarees
alone. True, it is common to find photographs of devadasis in either
kaccha kosuvam or full sarees from colonial records. But, be it the
highly rated pyjama style costume or flowy drapes in sheer material that
flutter about as the dancer moved, Deccani dance costumes of the early
modern era were reflective of cultural translations of various peoples
and places that were contextualised, in the words of Sanjay
Subrahmanyam, with great "pleasure, curiosity and interest". One can see
different styles of costumes from angarakhas and pencil pyjamas with
scooped gossamer skirts to even gowns and stockings on occasions that
were worn to perform various Sadir repertoires. The Pem Nem, a Sufi literary work created in the Adil Shahi court of Bijapur, is accompanied by a series of stunning miniatures. The Deccani style classical dancers in them are indeed wearing fitted pyjama style costumes, a choli or ravikkai, gossamer sheer melakku and a fan that has several layers of frills. I refer to them as Deccani dancers in a manner that must be read as inclusive of all the southern regions of the peninsula from whose cosmopolitan textures, Sadir was woven. ('Through the sheer of gossamer' by Swarnamalya Ganesh, NCPA's OnStage, May 2021) |
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By combining French lace with Kanchi silks or fashioning kalamkari into a
Persian-style skirt and choli in the courts of Vijayanagara and Nayaka
Kings, the dancer stood adorning these as a conductor of culture which
allowed for many assimilations to pass, pause and be represented as
their own. ('Through the sheer of gossamer' by Swarnamalya Ganesh, NCPA's OnStage, May 2021) |
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The temple dancers of Marius Petipa's ballet La Bayadère are given an entirely new, French name in place of the Sanskrit term 'devadasi,' which translates to "female servant of God." 'Bayadère' comes from the Portuguese word 'bailhadera,' which simply means 'dancer.' Petipa chose to center his ballet on an Indian temple dancer. Instead of exploring the societal position of temple dancers, La Bayadère erases the devadasis' history completely. They are given a French name and they dance according to Western classical tradition. Their costumes are a Western interpretation of Indian dress, rather than an authentic representation. ('Examining the real-life temple dancers who inspired La Bayadère' by Sarah McKenna Barry, Dance Magazine, Feb 26, 2021) |
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In La Bayadère, Marius Petipa overlooks the revered status of the
devadasis, and erases all elements of classical Indian dance like
Bharatanatyam from the ballet's choreography. Rather than explore the
beguiling complexity of the devadasis, the ballet's lead temple dancer
serves to project Western orientalist fantasies. ('Examining the real-life temple dancers who inspired La Bayadère' by Sarah McKenna Barry, Dance Magazine, Feb 26, 2021) |
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Bijoy Pratap Singh Deo, prince of Seraikella, was the
greatest exponent of Chhau in the early 20th century. He is credited
with all the major reforms in the art form, including the introduction
of women. A woman artist, Kumari Bani Mujumdar, is said to have
accompanied the troupe led by him that toured Europe in the late 1930s.
The royal patronage and protection might be one of the reasons why women
have been part of Mayurbhanj and Seraikella Chhau much before they made
a mark in Purulia Chhau. ('Heroines of Chhau' by Satyasundar Barik & Anusua Mukherjee, The Hindu Sunday Magazine, Jan 3, 2021) |
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In 1983, former Tamilnadu Chief Minister MGR attended the performance of
Vempati Chinna Satyam's production 'Srinivasa Kalyanam' in which S
Rajeswari sang for the veteran dancer. So impressed was MGR with the
singing that he instituted an award for dance musicians and Rajeswari
became the first recipient of the Kalaimamani State Award for dance
music. ('The dancer's song' by Hema Ramani Iyer, The Hindu Friday Review, 26 Feb 2021) |
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The masks for Purulia Chhau are classified as babu masks
(chiefly of gods like Shiva, Narayana, Ganesha, Kartik, Krishna); bir
or hero masks (used for demons like Ravana, Mahishasura); bhoot or ghost
masks; animal masks (of tiger, lion, buffalo, or monkey heroes like
Bali and Sugriva from the Ramayana); nari or women masks (for
Durga, Parvati, Saraswati and the like); and bird masks (for peacock,
swan, Jatayu etc.). Some of the mask-makers are performers too — like Gambhir Singh Mura (1930-2002), the Padma Shri-winning Chhau performer from Charida who brought recognition to the art for the first time. ('Making faces' by Anusua Mukherjee, The Hindu Sunday Magazine, Jan 3, 2021) |
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The mask is the defining feature of Purulia Chhau, differentiating it
from its two other branches. Mask making is a family-run enterprise in
Charida, with more than 300 individuals from 115 families involved. Each
dancer's mask is unique, made according to his or her facial
measurements by their trusted craftsmen, who work in close collaboration
with the troupes. But not all masks are meant for performance: many
are created and sold as keepsakes to tourists and visitors. ('Making faces' by Anusua Mukherjee, The Hindu Sunday Magazine, Jan 3, 2021) |
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A decade or so ago in Purulia, men decked in dazzling
costumes and larger-than-life masks would dance to the intoxicating
rhythm of dhol, dhamsa, madol, shehnai, and flute at night-long
performances during the spring festival of gajan parab, dedicated to
Shiva. These days, Chhau festivals are held through the year and dancers
are called to perform on national and international stages. And, in
another development, women dancers have entered this male domain, with
all-women troupes sharply on the rise. Mousumi Chowdhury, 23, from
Purulia's Maldi village, is credited with starting the trend. In 2010,
Mousumi set up the first all-women Chhau troupe of Purulia, Mitali Chhau
Maldi. (Chhau was included in UNESCO's Intangible Cultural Heritage
list in 2010.) Inspired by her, about four all-women groups now work in
Purulia. ('Heroines of Chhau' by Satyasundar Barik & Anusua Mukherjee, The Hindu Sunday Magazine, Jan 3, 2021) |
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In the early 1980s, Ileana Citaristi, an Italian-born Odissi and Chhau
dancer, was refused entry on stage to perform the Shiva tandava act at a
program in Baripada, the home of Mayurbhanj Chhau. Only male dancers
were allowed to enact the Shiva tandava at that time. Although in the
1960s and 70s, quite a few women had managed to break the barrier and
dance Chhau, very few could manage to sustain the journey. In 1994, when
Subhashree Mukherjee, then 15, performed the Mahishasuramardini Durga
piece at a traditional Chhau akhada in Baripada, purists reacted with
mild disapproval while progressives hailed it warmly. Mukherjee has
played a key role in bringing the women Chhau dancers of Odisha to the
limelight. ('Heroines of Chhau' by Satyasundar Barik & Anusua Mukherjee, The Hindu Sunday Magazine, Jan 3, 2021) |
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Sayajirao took good care of his dancers and his
Kalavanth Kahta, the department for artists, laid strict rules, duly
administered by an inspector. The dancers were together paid Rs.433 per
month, much more than other dancers. Their accompanying musicians were
paid a total of Rs.272 per month. Unlike the South where the Nattuvanar
took leadership, the Baroda rules required that the dancers were
responsible for the whole troupe, were well dressed, purchased their own
costumes and were fit, clean and healthy. They had 4 days monthly
holidays, 3 months maternity leave, and performed for the king on every
Wednesday and Saturday after dinner. All gifts given to the dancers
including money was distributed based on a fixed ratio with the rest
going to the state treasury. ('Bharatanatyam: A 140 year old institution in Baroda' by Maddy, maddy06.blogspot, March 20, 2020) |
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We could view the process of modernisation of form and technique and the
accompanying sanitisation of public repute that began in the 1930s with
Bharatanatyam as a sort of 'Brahmanical appropriation'. In most cases,
the new dancers from the upper strata overshadowed the older hereditary
class of performers, while the latter usually stepped back and faded
away. There were, of course, brilliant exceptions like Tanjore
Balasaraswati of devadasi origins, who became a world-class
Bharatanatyam performer, loved and adored by the public. In a way,
therefore, she was the dance-counterpart of M.S. Subbulakshmi, the
nightingale of Carnatic music, who was also the daughter of a devadasi.
Both of them more than made up for the ignominy and exploitation that
their matrilineal ancestors had suffered, over centuries. (Jawahar Sircar in 'How Modern India reinvented classical dance,' NCPA's On Stage, Nov 2020) |
